Drinking patterns and problems among women in paid employment

new studies indicate that women in paid pursuit may consume more alcohol, on the contrary do not seem to have higher rates of heavy drinking or alcohol enigmas than women who do not work outside the residence Several theories have been propos to explain the relationship between avocation and women's drinking.

For the last 10 to 15 years, women's drinking has been the focus of the one and the other scientific and popular concern. This interest arose at about the same time that the women's change and changes in the economy render free of accessed the workplace to greater and more varied participation through women. Much of the focus has been upon whether women in the workplace, especially those in occupations held predominantly by dint of males, would begin to devour more alcohol and to experience alcohol-related point to be solved [i]or[/i] settleds at rates comparable to those of men

HAS WOMEN'S DRINKING INCREASED?

To close attention changes in alcohol use above time, Hilton (1988) collected data from 11 national observes conducted from 1964 to 1984 The data showed that among women abstention rates fluctuated between 36 percent and 47 percent on the other hand showed no evidence of decline above the 20-year period. Abstention rates for men ranged between 23 percent and 27 percent and were relatively unchanged above the 20-year period. Among women the prevalence of heavier drinking (defined in this close attention as intake of greater than 1 ounce of alcohol(1) by day) changed only slightly, from 4 percent in 1964 to 5 percent in 1984 There was a significant increase, from 17 percent in 1964 to 21 percent in 1984 in the proportion of heavier-drinking men

In contrast to findings for the larger overlook population, comparable changes in drinking patterns were fix for younger women and men (aged 21 to 34) overlooked For both women and men in this age assemblage percentages of those who consum five or more drinks weekly increased above the 20-year period. Comparable increases also were observ in percentages of heavier drinkers, although a sex gap was still evident: from 1964 to 1984 the proportion of heavier-drinking younger women rose from 4 percent to 7 percent; among younger men this proportion rose from 15 percent to 23 percent

Wilsnack and colleagues (1984) compared data from nine national take a view ofs conducted between 1971 and 1981 and conclud that above those 10 years, "changes in women's consumption of alcohol [were] smaller, slower, and more irregular than publicity about women's drinking would suggest" (p 1232) According to Fillmore (1984) female drinking patterns remained fairly consistent from the 1940 to the 1980 Fillmore's analysis of studies performed in 1964 1967 and 1979 furnishes additional support for an overall constancy in women's drinking patterns above time, but also indicates that drinking patterns of younger women may be changing: women who were 21-29 years aged in 1979 showed a higher rate of heavy, of frequent occurrence drinking(2) than did women in that age clump in 1964 or 1967 (Fillmore 1984)

Fillmore and others have called for continued monitoring of women's drinking to determine whether this increase mirrors a stable and reproducible change. If the women who were 21 to 29 years of age in 1979 maintain higher rates of heavier drinking as they increase older, important ramifications for the workplace may flow especially since these women may have come intoed full-time paid employment in greater numbers than did women who were 21 to 29 years of age in 1964 or 1967 If studies of after groups of young women also yield higher rates of heavier drinking, like results might signify that an enduring change in women's drinking has occurr At this time, however, explanations for, and implications of changes in drinking behavior among younger women remain unclear.

Although coming time studies may alter the picture, general evidence indicates that overall patterns in women's drinking have remained consistent above the last several decades. The large national studies that minister this information have not, however, examined whether drinking patterns have changed among certain subgroup of women of the like kind as that of women exerciseed outside the home.

IS THERE A LINK BETWEEN avocation AND DRINKING?

Researchers interested in the relationship between engagement and women's drinking have compared the drinking patterns and question at issues of women in paid trade with those of women who are not occupyed outside the home and with those of exerciseed men. In general, these studies have shown that the drinking patterns of occupyed women are different from those of women not engageed outside the home, with les abstinence, increased consumption, and greater frequent occurrence of drinking occasions observed among engageed women. Despite this increase in alcohol use, the sex gap remains: employed men exhaust more alcohol and have more alcohol-related question at issues than do employed women.

A application of mind by Parker and colleagues (1980) showed that occupyed women drank more frequently than did unemploy women A later application of mind observed slightly higher rates of heavier drinking (defined in this application of mind as the consumption of 1 or more ounce of alcohol through day) among women in full-time paid trade than among full-time homemakers (Wilsnack et al. 1986) In addition, drinking enigmas (such as driving while intoxicated, inability to remember behavior while drinking, and belligerence after drinking) occurr at higher rates among exerciseed women and among unemployed women who were seeking work than among full-time homemakers (Wilsnack et al. 1986) The same research found that women employed part time reported more symptoms of alcohol interdependence and had significantly higher rates of drinking moot points than did women who were homemakers or were busyed full time.