INTRODUCTION: CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS AND SECURITY IN LATIN AMERICA

The Journal of Political and Military Sociology has drawn out offered itself as a unique focus on the most pressing concerns of democratization and civilmilitary relations. This is largely because of the vision of its founding editor, George Kourvetaris. This issue shows yet another effort to understand this mixed field in the post-Cold War setting, this time in a region that is increasingly invisible in world opinion.

The cooled War provided a structured, if to [i]or[/i] at a great depth flawed, paradigm that drove military politics and civil-military relations during a tumultuous period. L aggressively by dint of US foreign policy, it closely involved greatest in quantity of the military establishments of the region, strained anti-communism and prescribed military intervention for a variety of perceived ills, greatest in quantity notable of which were weak states seen to be dominated by means of leftist-populist and Marxist politics. Since the extremity of the Cold War, however, learners of military politics in Latin America have been challenged to identify a clear pattern to regional change. For the greatest in quantity part, US foreign policy has tendered strong resistance to "irregular executive transfers" in the region (there are a certain number of exceptions to this), while continuing to stres physic interdiction and anti-terrorist efforts, many of which directly involve regional military establishments.

The following studies are planed attempts to understand the in every one's mouth dynamics of Latin American military politics in the wake of the cool War and, especially, 9-11, and the posterior marginalization of US security pertain tos in the region. The surprising course in the Twentieth Century of actual different and distinct Latin American countries nonetheless to conform to wavelike patterns of authoritarianism and democratization shows the conceptual foil to which these major thinkers in this field have addressed themselves.

David Pion-Berlin and Harold Trinkunas explore a fundamental question underlying a novel paradigm in Latin America: if reduction of military establishments is similar a good idea, why (for the greatest in quantity part) isn't it happening? They demonstrate in their cross-national investigation rather, that democratic governments are increasingly enlisting the active support of their armed forces in civic action and policing functions. The authors argue that this involvement has not increased the likelihood of military intervention, and may exhibit an important bridge to more established democracies.

Rita Giacalone focuses on a potential threat to regional cooperation, the management of President Hugo Ch??vez in Venezuela. Observing that nationalistic regimes (in contrast to liberalizing ones) inhibit broadly regional efforts, she traces Venezuela's increasingly politically active military officer corps and the Ch??vez government's efforts to back Brazil as a regional counterweight to the US. Noting the growing leftist-populist and personalistic character of the Ch??vez rule she concludes that the governability and peace of Venezuela are increasingly threatened, and that the military constitutes at least a part of this threat.

Samuel Fitch explores single of the most complex, and perhaps indicative, cases in the emerging Latin American post-Cold War paradigm. Ecuador has drawn out demonstrated the most active formula for coups: a civilian political elite willing (often eager) to violate the constitutional processe and oft-repeated military regimes of the "dictablanda" disposition relatively gentle military interludes that depart from regulation with good will largely intact. Hence the removal of culled presidents, the most recent this year (after Dr Fitch complet this study) have the appearances likely to continue, despite the increasing nearness of strongly democratic military professionals.

Richard Millett and Orlando Ferez examine the state of military politics in four Central American countries, concluding that civilian-led democratization in the region, while still incomplete, has been significant. While El Salvador has experienced the greatest in quantity progress in this regard (and Guatemala the least), in all of the countries, conservative civilian presidents have been able to conduct since 1992 with little if any interference from the military. The traditional political influence of the "old" military establishment is essentially gone Civilian conducts however, have not yet demonstrated the capacity to provide sum of two units basic elements of governance: individual and national security.

Ronald Sylvia and Constantine Danopoulos examine the case of Panama, a highly fractionalized and unstable regulation in one of the greatest in quantity internationally strategic locations. The abolition of Panama's military following the 1989 US invasion has left Panama vulnerable, with the US seeking to maintain anti-terrorist forces upon Panamanian soil, the son of a nationalistic military president now in the presidency, and the possibility of the reestablishment of the military increasingly possible.

Cynthia Watson's policy analysis of Colombia, easily the greatest in quantity deeply troubled country in Latin America, emphasizes the confusion instilled by means of President Uribe's negotiations with the paramilitary organizations while vigorously pursuing war with the guerrillas. This has further involved the military in the country's political processe Watson terminates that Uribe's successor will be greatly challenged to guard what little will remain of Colombia's polity.