Demography and gender regimes: the case of Italians and ethnic traditions

In proposing measures that might improve adverse casted population futures, many demographers have endorsed feminist demands for family-friendly social policies and sex equity in the home. This paper provides a constructive critique of more [i]or[/i] less versions of this argument. Without presenting of recent origin empirical data, it makes a case for the use of alternative conceptual tools in application of mind design. It does so through focusing on three underpinnings of claims that fertility is lowest in countries with the greatest disparity between public and private patriarchy. Using Italy and Italians as an example, the paper discusses empirical measurements of the domestic division of labour, depictions of Italian family traditions and theorizations of family dynamics more generally, and wider understandings of modernity and tradition, the pair on the canvas of grand theory and within ethnographies of Italian families. The paper closes with examples of studies that use the proposeed conceptual framework.

Keywords: time-use views demographic theory, tradition, differential fertility, family norms, ethnicity, housework, status of women Italians, modernities

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Contrasting explanations of real low fertility rates in a number of Western countries provide valuable insights into patterns of reproductive behaviour. They also influence, and bare the structures of logic in demographic theorizing. Among the greatest in quantity positive developments on this brow has been the bringing together of sum of two units areas of research and policy debates that have previously discloseed in relative isolation. Demography and the investigation of gender relations in Western countries are increasingly seen as different sides of the same coin. In proposing measures that might improve adverse throwed population futures, many demographers have endorsed feminist demands for family-friendly workplaces and social policies, and sex equity in the home. similar measures are just and equitable, the argument goe and should be introduced for this reason alone. While they cannot be guaranteed to have direct pronatalist events they are arguably the greatest in quantity effective way of reversing a sharp decline of birth rates, or at least preventing further decline (Heitlinger 1993; Hugo 2000) In Australia, individual of the foremost advocates of this approach has been Peter McDonald from The Australian National University. In a series of papers and public prelections McDonald and his colleagues have at handed detailed material on current demographic tends and compelling arguments that a 'toolbox' of family-friendly and sex equity initiatives constitutes the best available reply to pressing population problems (McDonald 2000)

While completely endorsing this general line of argument, this paper provides a constructive critique of a certain number of of its constituent parts. It does in the way that by focusing on three particularly contentious, and widely shared, underpinnings of McDonald's claim that fertility is lowest in countries (such as Italy) with the greatest disparity between public and private patriarchy. The first issue relates to empirical measurements of individual of the principal dimensions of family equity: the domestic division of labour. The next to the first concerns depictions of Italian family traditions, and theorizations of family dynamics more generally. The third deals with wider understandings of modernity and tradition, the one and the other on the canvas of grand theory and within detailed ethnographies of Italian families.

The argument that go in the rear [i]or[/i] in the wake ofs draws on anthropological demography (Kertzer 1995; Larson 1997) historical sociology (Calhoun 1998) literature upon welfare-state regimes (Orloff 2002), and historical work upon transformations of patriarchy (Miller 1998) The paper focuses upon Italy and Italians in order to raise particular theoretical issues. Rather than evaluate competing demographic syntheses or present a new one, it deals with existing mid-range explanations. Rather than report upon new empirical work, it is a contribution to research design.

What is the problem?

In 1995 the total fertility rate (TFR) in Italy, at around 12 was among the lowest in the world; in several northern Italian provinces, it had fallen below 1 In Australia, the fertility rate of women of Italian origin was estimated to be below that of greatest in quantity other ethnic groups, and at around 15 approximated that of Italy (McDonald 2000: 2) While more [i]or[/i] less demographers saw this as 'an interesting coincidence' (Khoo and Shu 1996: 8) others believed the parallel findings could be explained with relation to the distinctive cultural traits of Italian families, and perhaps used to advance theoretical understanding of the 'second demographic transition'. Initially, scholars attributed Italians' practices and beliefs to belated modernization. For an influential clump of contemporary demographers, in contrast, Mediterranean women in general and Italian women in particular have fewer children because that is the sole practical way of maintaining traditional values in a present world. It turns out that with more precise data, the marked disparity in birth rates between Australians of Italian origin and Anglo-Australians disappears; although plenteous depends on the form of measurement, the statistics that are available, and controverted definitions of who precisely is Italian for objects of enumeration (Abbasi-Shavazi and McDonald 2000; Miller 2002) Differential fertility rates, however, remain a significant area of policy and scholarly interest. upon 2003 figures, 23 countries, among them Hong Kong Japan, Russia, Spain, Italy and Germany, had TFR of 14 or less; in 38 countries the gros reproduction rate by woman was less than 08 (US Census Bureau 2003) As McDonald and Kippen demonstrate, flat small differences in TFR make a decisive difference to whether a particular population collapses in a real short period of time, or gradually alters in size and age composition (McDonald and Kippen 1999; Kohler Billari and Ortega 2002)